он честный и взяток не брет...пьет иногда эти взятки....

Вроде раньше была федеральная и муниципальная? и зп отличались.

Это несколько другая тема. У нас в городе 13% северных идёт, а в 100 км южнее - уже нет. И всё в рамках одной области.

Просто то что я вижу в тарифной сетке - вилки окладов, для Москвы и Питера верхняя граница выше на 10%.

13% как надбавка к окладу? Ну как "сложность" +30%, например. Просто то что я вижу в тарифной сетке - вилки окладов, для Москвы и Питера верхняя граница выше на 10%.

13 % - это Северные. начисляются к итоговой сумме. Но так как они равны НДФЛ - то мы их не видели :D

северные видят в основном пенсионеры и чиновники. у однокласника участкового( стаж 16 лет( если без училища) ,майор) зп 45 без премий.
яйца от 56 где за 2 категорию,где за первую, до 75. беру в пятерочке синявинские 0 категории за 64 уже сегодня. сахар самый дешевый 56.

Зато и ндфл тоже :))

Это мэры доплачивают не федерация.

13 % - это Северные. начисляются к итоговой сумме. Но так как они равны НДФЛ - то мы их не видели :D

Вот, я об том и говорю, северные как надбавка, не вилка оклада.

В Москве и Питере тоже доплата, а не вилка. Оклад он един по всей стране.

По крайней мере в системе соц страхования это не так.

Виктория Нуланд

...holding the Minsk agreement signatories – the separatists and Russia – to account when they refuse Ukraine control of its own border, when deadly Russian weapons and fighters continue to flow across it by the hundreds, and when state-owned Russian media spews lies about who is responsible for the violence.

Just a few weeks ago, around tables in Washington and across Europe, we were talking about how sanctions could be rolled back if and when the Minsk agreement was fully implemented. Now, after the past week of flagrant violations of Minsk, on both sides of the Atlantic we are talking about the need to increase the costs to Russia.

The costs on Russia are already rising, including on average Russians. They can be measured in the sons from Pskov to Kazan who mysteriously never return from their military service. Their mothers and wives are told not to ask questions if they want to receive full death benefits.

They can be measured in the 10-15 percent inflation felt at cash registers and kitchen tables across Russia, in the $150 billion in capital flight from the country just last year, and in the $130 billion that has disappeared from Russia’s foreign currency reserves in the past year – money spent propping up the ruble. Just yesterday, S&P downgraded Russia’s credit rating to junk status. And lay-offs have begun in the state sector, including a 20 percent reported cut in the TASS news agency. As oil prices drop, the vulnerability in the current leadership’s economic model is exposed. And at those same kitchen tables across Russia, citizens are once again asking why their government prioritizes foreign adventures over the well-being and quality of life of its own citizens, just as they have at other sad moments in Russia’s long history.

But it doesn’t have to be this way. Most of the Russia specialists in this room, myself included, spent much of our adult lives opening doors to Russia’s greater integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. We reject the narrative of grievance that is popular in Moscow today that we wanted a weak Russia – nothing could be further from the truth. What we wanted, what we still want, is a strong, democratic Russia that respects the rule of law at home and abroad, and its neighbors’ sovereignty; a Russia that works with us and with Europe to build peace and security in the region and globally.

The United States alone has spent more than $20 billion dollars since 1992 to help Russia strengthen and open its economy; prepare for the WTO; and promote good health in Russia, clean and more open governance and elections, non-proliferation, and closer ties between Russia and NATO, including joint operations and exercises. But that kind of cooperation can’t continue when Russia tramples on the rules of the international system from which it seeks to benefit – when it bites off pieces of its neighbors’ territory and tries to bully them into economic and political submission.

But the off ramp for Russia – the route back to better ties with all of us – is very simple: the minute Russia allows Ukraine to control its side of the international border and stops fueling the conflict, the situation will improve. The weapons and fighters will stop flowing. Hostages will come home. Sanctions can start to roll back. And the fight that Moscow calls an intra-Ukrainian problem will become just that. Ukrainians, with our support, will have the opportunity to work through the legitimate grievances of those in the east; to rebuild the political, economic, and cultural structures and ties that should bind a democratic Ukraine; and to give the children, mothers, families, workers, and pensioners of the Donbas a chance to decide their own future peacefully, lawfully, and constitutionally – the very thing Moscow always says it wants.

The United States alone has spent more than $20 billion dollars since 1992 to help Russia strengthen and open its economy; prepare for the WTO; and promote good health in Russia, clean and more open governance and elections, non-proliferation, and closer ties between Russia and NATO, including joint operations and exercises. But that kind of cooperation can’t continue when Russia tramples on the rules of the international system from which it seeks to benefit – when it bites off pieces of its neighbors’ territory and tries to bully them into economic and political submission.

Журналисты как всегда акцентировали внимание на несущественном, забыв передать/перевести главное:



Весь текст здесь -- http://www.state.gov/p/eur/rls/rm/2015/jan/236820.htm

Вот писали про цену яиц.
Сейчас зашли в магазин. Капуста квашеная неделю назад стоила 45 руб. Сейчас 70 руб. Мы ее за валюту покупаем ?